The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) is bringing a new law that will regulate social media to the parliament on July 16. This is not the government’s first attempt to put online platforms under its authority, and common wisdom teaches us that it may not be the last.
Regulating social media has been on the agenda of the AKP for some time, but it was laid aside a few times due to public and political pushback.
This time, however, the path to regulation has been paved carefully. This time, the perspective about the supposed need for more oversight and control has been shifted in order for at least a part of the opposition universe to be brought on board.
In a heavily publicized incident on Twitter a couple of weeks ago, a user was harassing Başak Demirtaş, the wife of jailed Kurdish politician Selahattin Demirtaş. In a supposed show of non-discrimination concerning aggression in online communication, the state authorities stepped in, and the perpetrator was detained.
Soon after this incident, President Erdogan’s Finance Minister and more importantly, his son-in-law, Berat Albayrak, became another target of Twitter attacks. In his tweet, Albayrak heralded the birth of his and his wife’s fourth child, Erdogan’s grandson. Reactions started flooding in as some celebrated, while many ridiculed and directed harsh criticisms towards the announcement. Probably due to his family ties or his boastful personality, Albayrak often produces very emotional negative reactions to the opposing political sides in Turkey, so the reactions to his tweet were not something that has never been seen before. However, this time, the usual Twitter exchanges became the hot topic of the day, prompting even the President to respond.
Following the tweet war, Erdoğan quickly announced that the public defamation of his son-in-law and his newborn grandson would not be tolerated. In short order, two people were arrested in connection with the insulting tweets.
Another recent incident concerning the online interactions of the ruling establishment was the event that has since been dubbed “the Dislike Insurrection.” In order to appease and approach the younger generations, President Erdoğan had a live YouTube show a day before the university entrance exams. During the show, he answered questions from a select group of young people. While the ruling party’s events are usually very controlled, that did not seem to be the case this time, as in the beginning, the show was open to comments. Comments saying “No More Votes” started publicly pouring in on the screen next to the President in a kind of unexpected flood. The video stream administrators quickly closed the option to comment. However, as it usually goes with attempts at online censorship, this only prompted people to exhibit their opposition even more, in this case by clicking on the dislike button for the event. In a short period of time, there were around 300,000 dislikes.
These turbulent online exchanges and incidents were quickly lumped together as supposed proof that a new, stricter law regulating the social media is a “necessity.” Yet, as it has also become a practice by the ruling coalition, the public does not really know the details of the new law, just that the government will attempt to gain more control over online communication.
Mahir Ünal, the government’s face for the regulation, vaguely explained that social media providers will be required to have offices in Turkey and abide by Turkish laws. This would possibly not sound all that bad had it not been for an inconvenient truth, namely that the Turkish government has not really been a champion of freedom of speech and free expression, to say the least. In practice, putting communication on social networks under the authority of the Turkish government would mean the removal of tweets and other content on a mass level and in line with the government’s arbitrary decisions about what is to be censored and prosecuted. Additionally, this kind of tight control could very well push some of the social media giants out of Turkey. This, again, could open up the possibility for the government in Turkey to create its own substitutes for social networks and streaming and content sharing platforms, following the examples of closed and heavily controlled systems, such as the one in China.
In defending their idea of tighter control over online communication, the AKP tried to sell the narrative that they are following the example of Western countries like Germany and France, where everyone and particularly the most vulnerable members of society are protected by law from harassment and aggression in the online sphere. However, looking at the very concerning track record of the Turkish government in protecting the sanctity of freedom, one can’t help but wonder if the desire to protect is as genuine of a motivator as the drive for the ultimate control. More regulation has traditionally been in conflict with the basic principles of the freedom of speech in Turkey, and if the opposition is lured into supporting this new initiative, they will likely participate in the closure of a big part of the communication space, including its own.
The somewhat unexpected exhibition of a gender-based power struggle inside the political and social conservative circles could be indicative of substantial changes in this part of Turkish society. To personalize this in the current context of the ruling family in Turkey: on one side in this struggle is Bilal Erdoğan and on the other is his sister, Sümeyye Erdoğan.
A lot has changed both in Turkey and in Turkey's main opposition CHP in the last decade. Following the recent congress of the CHP, I interviewed the 27-year-old lawyer Sevgi Kılıç who became the first woman with a headscarf to make it into the party assembly.
Younger people living in metropolitan areas are moving towards more liberal values and ideals. They expect more democracy. Older people living in the heartland of Anatolia, however, are moving in the opposite direction. As younger voters move away from the AKP, the party’s voter base is becoming more Islamist and more conservative.
Until a couple of years ago, the Turkish government was proud to be a safe haven for refugees; however, shifting public opinion caused the AKP to lose votes. Iranian freedom fighters are among the ones suffering the consequences.
LGBTI people are still become the victims of honor killings in Turkey. Now that a narrative of hatred against LGBTI people is gaining traction in Turkish politics, harder days await members of the community.
There probably isn’t a journalist left on earth who hasn’t read John Bolton’s book, 'The Room Where It Happened'. Bolton first mentions Turkish President Erdoğan’s name on page 24. His impression of Erdoğan is not positive: Bolton thinks Erdoğan resembles the Italian dictator Mussolini.
The ruling AKP government and social media platforms have a love-hate relationship. The AKP loves using social media tools to spread its own narrative and propaganda, but they are highly disturbed that opposition voices can be so loud on the very same platforms.
The photo from the buffalo facility is not the first time that Nusret’s Instagram post caused arguments. Nusret’s marketing strategy is built on the insatiable human appetite and the desire for destruction.
Many Turkish Islamists tend to exaggerate and connect all black movements in the United States to Islam. Another reason that probably affected Erdoğan’s perspective is that the protests in America are perceived here in Turkey as protests for identity. Unfortunately, Turkish political Islamists are in favor of democracy only if it suits this polarizing form of identity politics.
Selin Ciğerci is the new generation of Turkish LGBTI: very outspoken, she doesn’t hold back or shy away from the public eye. She seems comfortable out in the open, demonstrating details of her life and who she really is. And Turkish public is indeed interested in her life.
When I was a kid, certain national holidays were a big deal. As students, we would train for weeks for Children’s Day on April 23 and National Youth and Sports Day on May 19. Then we would perform some choreography mixed of dance and gymnastics in the city stadiums. Parents would come and cheer, people […]
Former President of Iran Mohammad Khatami gave an online speech on Sunday in which he warned of the potential for violence in Iran. After a long period of public inactivity, Khatami appeared out of nowhere, with an important and alarming message but a questionable ability to influence Iranians.
When President Erdoğan and his son-in-law Minister of Finance speak these days, they often remind people there is nothing to be afraid of. However, all of a sudden it has become a real struggle to pay the rent and the bills. It feels as if the pandemic is covering a silent wave of a much deadlier plague.
Since the beginning of the epidemic, millions of Turks have been posting all sorts of videos online every day. Some have complained about not being able to find medical masks in Turkey, including some health workers. And while the vast majority of these cases remain unanswered, the Turkish government decided to take on the case from Sweden and make it a top priority of the highest state officials, including the President himself.
The AKP has become increasingly anxious about losing the symbiotic relationship with its voters it has built and nurtured over the years. Losing this would directly undermine the very foundation of the AKP’s political discourse which claims that the AKP is the sole political party to successfully govern and serve in Turkey.
The past weekend’s power play induced much uncertainty and even panic about the government’s fight against the grave danger of the COVID-19 pandemic in Turkey. However, it also revealed that new power centers within the ruling establishment have been built over time.
Nobody in their right mind can think that being an opposition party in an autocratic environment is easy. However, one cannot learn how to swim without jumping in the water. Ali Babacan's party DEVA seems to be enjoying the dry land, not taking any risks, at a time when citizens are expecting brave and wise leadership.
At a time when Turkey, just like the rest of the world, is under grave threat from a new, unknown virus, and the state has to indirectly admit that it could soon be unable to pay for the basic needs, it is becoming obvious how costly President Erdoğan's populist megalomania projects are.
The health minister announcing the new numbers every night is creating an illusion of transparency. However, Turkish people are mostly being left in the dark. Little is being shared about the scope of the spread. Meanwhile it seems that President Erdoğan and his son-in-law and the Minister of the Economy see the coronavirus as an opportunity.
Turks on both the left and right of the spectrum have been united by conspiracy theories about the novel coronavirus, COVID-19. After the virus appeared, discourse about the U.S. trying to prevent the development of mighty China spread all over social media. Nationalist, leftist figures writing and speaking about the virus preferred to accuse the West when it came to the outbreak.
It is a fact that the ruling government has an obsession about Taksim square. The square is not only closed to women rallies, but pretty much any rally and gathering. There are though exceptions. One exception had been a group of Syrians celebrating new years with Free Syrian Army flags.
The refugees are not being told the truth by the authorities, Turkish public is not being told the truth either. Everybody is being kept in darkness that leads the way to more resentment and hatred.
Football in Turkey, as in many European countries, is structured around masculinity. Game days are the days when men can act like savages, insult men and women freely, and attack anyone they like — and they don’t face any consequences.
Turkey is still divided by the Gezi protests. Some see the protests as a struggle for freedom that had never happened before in Turkey and remember it with pride, while others detest the memory of the protests. For Erdoğan’s 50 percent, when the state tells you not to do something, you ought not to do it.
In a meeting between Mr Erdoğan and his party’s MPs, some MPs voiced their concerns about Turkish soap operas that they found to be not suitable for Turkish values and culture. According to the reports, Mr. Erdoğan agreed with the MPs and told them he was disturbed as well. When the President voices a concern about a matter, a new decree or law usually follows.
The chaos that occurred after the June 2015 election worked for Erdoğan, but his approval ratings tend to fall when terror attacks or wars halt and people start worrying about the economy. According to Metropoll, the last time Erdoğan’s approval rating was higher than 50 percent was 2018; the economy seems to be taking its toll on Erdoğan.
Up until now, the local businessmen used to support AKP without reservation, and it used to be a win-win situation for both parties. However, this cooperation seems to be fading. When Suriçi Group Platform hosts CHP chair Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, it is a significant development for Turkish politics.
There is the talk of early elections, both on the street and in back rooms. There is an expectation that some change will occur. The Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) has a more critical part to play in Turkish politics. However, it seems that it won’t be easy for the HDP to keep their traditional voter base satisfied while becoming a more relevant actor in the upcoming political period.
While many of the pro-government figures in Turkey were preaching about what sort of a villain Soleimani was, the Turkish secular left was busy describing him as the “Che Guevara of the Middle East.” Though it depends on how one perceives Che Guevara, the comparison was supposed to be a compliment to Soleimani’s legacy.
Totalitarian systems usually come up with their own ideal man. Tayyip Erdoğan believes the future of his Turkey lies in İmam Hatip school education. He believes the only way to create his “ideal man” is to educate young Turkish people in line with the strict religious education of the imam hatip schools. As Erdoğan became stronger, so did the imam hatip schools.
President Erdoğan’s military advisor and the founder of the armed group SADAT, recently suggested that Islamic unity will be possible when Mahdi comes. Erdoğan’s military advisor announcing his mission to prepare for Mahdi’s arrival is definitely not a good sign for Turkey’s near future.
Horses tumbling down and breathing their last breaths, while still being harnessed to the carriage has also turned into an everyday scene at the Princes’ Islands of Istanbul. Weak, limping horses trying to pull crowded families up the hills, often looks like a horror scene from a dystopian movie.
Led by Erdoğan, the AKP has been reshaping the secular life of Turks for the last 17 years, bit by bit. The latest in the line of religiously-inspired incidents happened in Adana, a southern Turkish city with a unique character whose people are proud of their city, their type of kabab and their Adana ways.
Last Sunday, women gathered in one of the Istanbul’s busy centers, Kadıköy. Their aim was to protest violence against women and the inaction of the state. However, as usual in recent years in Turkey, the police jumped in and dispersed the crowd, detaining some of the women protesters.
Turkey is now being ruled by an exceptional version of a presidential system. Everything is ultimately decided by the President, with ministries and the legislative branch having a marginal influence. But he also wants citizens to be able to reach the Palace directly. And CIMER is the answer!
Imamoğlu ran his election campaign not on a narrative of fighting, but a narrative of peace. He promised to be inclusive, and he was careful not to target Erdoğan in his speeches. He aimed to grab AKP votes by not targeting Erdoğan. However, now it seems that he is shifting gears.
Gas prices have doubled overnight in Iran. Since Nov. 15, street protests and riots have been spreading. The protests started peacefully, but turned violent fairly quickly. The security forces were relentless: they had no intention of tolerating this public objection to the price increase.
One of the heaviest financial crises in Turkey’s history was in 2001. It first became public symbolically when a salesman threw a cash till at then-Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit. The man threw the giant cash box in front of the cameras as Ecevit was walking into his office. As the till hit the floor and shattered into pieces, the salesman yelled, “We are struggling!” The incident symbolically marked the beginning of the end of the Ecevit era.
The Sevres Syndrome has been a factor that impedes rationality for many Turkish citizens trying to make some sense of global dynamics. In recent years, Turkish-American relations have deteriorated at an unprecedented rate. For many Turks, this was simply another example of hatred against the Turks, this time coming from across the ocean. However, even in the more rational circles in Turkey, it is almost impossible to hear critical analysis concerning Turkey’s responsibility in the failing relationship.
After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Turks established the Turkish Republic. However, even the issue of what to celebrate proves that Turks have a long road ahead before they feel like a truly united nation that shares similar ideals and prospects for future.
According to Turkish civil law, the party who has the economic advantage in the marriage is to pay for children’s expenses and some expenses of the former spouse. In most cases the economic advantage is with the men, since on the one hand many men do not want their wives to work during the marriage and also social inequalities cause men to be the breadwinners of the families, not the women.