Over the past weekend, the CHP held its 37th Congress, during which it elected new leadership. Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu was the only candidate running for the chairperson position and he secured another mandate to lead the party. A series of important local elections victories last year have given Kılıçdaroğlu the political boost he needed.
The elections for the party assembly, on the other hand, had their surprises. The list of the favored candidates for the assembly was presented by the Assembly Chairman Kılıçdaroğlu. The party delegates voted on each of the names, but also had the opportunity to choose candidates outside of the list. In a series of little surprises, some names from the list remained unelected, while some unlisted outsiders made it into the assembly. Once again, it was obvious that the CHP is a complex mechanism and has internal power groups that are not always easy to figure out.
The CHP has also been adopting the practice of quotas for women and youth for intra-party elections. A young woman named Sevgi Kılıç made it into the party assembly thanks to the youth quota. What makes her unique for the CHP is the fact that she is a young woman who wears a headscarf. This is quite a novelty for a party that had a tough stance against headscarves in the public sphere during the ‘90s and the first decade of the 2000s.
In 2007, the AKP declared Abdullah Gül as their candidate for the presidency. Back then, Turkey’s presidential election system was still indirect, and the president was elected by the parliament. The CHP harshly opposed Gül’s presidency, and it did not hide that this was because Gül’s wife wore a headscarf.
A lot has changed both in Turkey and in the CHP in the last decade.
I interviewed the 27-year-old lawyer Sevgi Kılıç following her intra-party election, and asked about her interests in the CHP and what she is trying to achieve.
She told me she is from Beykoz Çavuşbaşı, an interesting neighborhood, where the fundamentalist İsmailağa sect is very active. Sevgi Kılıç comes from a family without a strong tradition of sending female members to schools. Her older sister did not go to a university for example, and instead was married off. Sevgi Kılıç, however, is one of the unique fighters.
She told me she decided to become a lawyer after reading the story about the first Turkish woman lawyer, Süreyya Ağaoğlu, and her correspondence with Atatürk.
Kılıç also told me she was for laicism and a supporter of the CHP’s stance on laicism. I asked her about the former harsher policies of her party towards the religious segments of society. In a sort of a surprising answer, she said she believed that in the late ‘90s, Islamist groups were exploiting the system and pushing for an Islamic jurisdiction. Therefore, she found justification in this for the CHP’s harsher stance at that time.
Sevgi’s message about her lifestyle is actually a very simple one: people should wear whatever they like, and this should not be an issue debated or regulated by politicians. She says as a politician she concentrates on finding solutions to Turkey’s more crucial problems, like the economic downturn.
Sevgi Kılıç represents the new generation of women who come from religious backgrounds. As a generation, they tend to seek more freedom and civil rights. Although the AKP claims to be the sole defender of the interests of religious women, this does not say much to Sevgi Kılıç. The freedom to be able to exist in society with her headscarf is important, but it is not the only factor for her and women like her to feel free and fulfilled. Because of this, she can find more in common with the new generation of CHP politicians.
Politics has become more and more about symbols, images and subtle messages than anything else. With Sevgi’s intra-party electoral success, it seems that the CHP is sending a message to the new generation of women from conservative backgrounds. It is as if the party has finally acknowledged that ostracizing this part of the society for decades has unnecessarily limited the abilities and potential of Turkey’s center-left; winning the hearts and the minds of young women with conservative upbringings but with a desire for freedom and civilizational progress, on the other hand, will also be an important step in overcoming the serious obstacles of deeply-rooted polarization in Turkish society.
Presidency's Directorate of Communications now has a new branch whose mission is to “direct information operations." The new body seems to be in charge of countering the policy failures of the presidential system with the increase of strategic propaganda.
One thing to watch in Turkish politics, other than Erdoğan’s maneuvers, are two ministers. While Berat Albayrak looks like the man of the palace with the backing of his father-in-law, Süleyman Soylu gives the image of being a man of the people.
Though it is unlikely that Trumpian politics will become the new normal, from now on, all politics across the world will inevitably have a Trumpian dimension.
Since there is only one person taking decisions in Turkey, there must be only one person responsible for the spread of the virus. However, my educated guess is that the members of the board — who actually have no power to make decisions — might have to bear the responsibility in the end.
Now a new flaw has been invented in Turkey: not being happy enough with the President Erdoğan's announcements. The government finds an enemy to accuse of everything evil and bad.
Unsurprisingly, Biden’s remarks caused a minor earthquake in the Turkish mainstream. The opposition was forced to denounce Biden’s comments and explicitly state their disapproval of any sort of foreign interference in Turkey’s domestic affairs.
Erdoğan did not visit Lebanon himself. It would not look good after Macron and would be a huge PR risk. Instead, he sent Çavuşoğlu and Oktay. The most striking part of the visit was when Mr Çavuşoğlu announced that Turkey was ready to hand out citizenship to Lebanese people who claim to have Turkic roots or speak Turkish.
The somewhat unexpected exhibition of a gender-based power struggle inside the political and social conservative circles could be indicative of substantial changes in this part of Turkish society. To personalize this in the current context of the ruling family in Turkey: on one side in this struggle is Bilal Erdoğan and on the other is his sister, Sümeyye Erdoğan.
Younger people living in metropolitan areas are moving towards more liberal values and ideals. They expect more democracy. Older people living in the heartland of Anatolia, however, are moving in the opposite direction. As younger voters move away from the AKP, the party’s voter base is becoming more Islamist and more conservative.
More regulation has traditionally been in conflict with the basic principles of the freedom of speech in Turkey, and if the opposition is lured into supporting this new initiative, they will likely participate in the closure of a big part of the communication space, including its own.
Until a couple of years ago, the Turkish government was proud to be a safe haven for refugees; however, shifting public opinion caused the AKP to lose votes. Iranian freedom fighters are among the ones suffering the consequences.
LGBTI people are still become the victims of honor killings in Turkey. Now that a narrative of hatred against LGBTI people is gaining traction in Turkish politics, harder days await members of the community.
There probably isn’t a journalist left on earth who hasn’t read John Bolton’s book, 'The Room Where It Happened'. Bolton first mentions Turkish President Erdoğan’s name on page 24. His impression of Erdoğan is not positive: Bolton thinks Erdoğan resembles the Italian dictator Mussolini.
The ruling AKP government and social media platforms have a love-hate relationship. The AKP loves using social media tools to spread its own narrative and propaganda, but they are highly disturbed that opposition voices can be so loud on the very same platforms.
The photo from the buffalo facility is not the first time that Nusret’s Instagram post caused arguments. Nusret’s marketing strategy is built on the insatiable human appetite and the desire for destruction.
Many Turkish Islamists tend to exaggerate and connect all black movements in the United States to Islam. Another reason that probably affected Erdoğan’s perspective is that the protests in America are perceived here in Turkey as protests for identity. Unfortunately, Turkish political Islamists are in favor of democracy only if it suits this polarizing form of identity politics.
Selin Ciğerci is the new generation of Turkish LGBTI: very outspoken, she doesn’t hold back or shy away from the public eye. She seems comfortable out in the open, demonstrating details of her life and who she really is. And Turkish public is indeed interested in her life.
When I was a kid, certain national holidays were a big deal. As students, we would train for weeks for Children’s Day on April 23 and National Youth and Sports Day on May 19. Then we would perform some choreography mixed of dance and gymnastics in the city stadiums. Parents would come and cheer, people […]
Former President of Iran Mohammad Khatami gave an online speech on Sunday in which he warned of the potential for violence in Iran. After a long period of public inactivity, Khatami appeared out of nowhere, with an important and alarming message but a questionable ability to influence Iranians.
When President Erdoğan and his son-in-law Minister of Finance speak these days, they often remind people there is nothing to be afraid of. However, all of a sudden it has become a real struggle to pay the rent and the bills. It feels as if the pandemic is covering a silent wave of a much deadlier plague.
Since the beginning of the epidemic, millions of Turks have been posting all sorts of videos online every day. Some have complained about not being able to find medical masks in Turkey, including some health workers. And while the vast majority of these cases remain unanswered, the Turkish government decided to take on the case from Sweden and make it a top priority of the highest state officials, including the President himself.
The AKP has become increasingly anxious about losing the symbiotic relationship with its voters it has built and nurtured over the years. Losing this would directly undermine the very foundation of the AKP’s political discourse which claims that the AKP is the sole political party to successfully govern and serve in Turkey.
The past weekend’s power play induced much uncertainty and even panic about the government’s fight against the grave danger of the COVID-19 pandemic in Turkey. However, it also revealed that new power centers within the ruling establishment have been built over time.
Nobody in their right mind can think that being an opposition party in an autocratic environment is easy. However, one cannot learn how to swim without jumping in the water. Ali Babacan's party DEVA seems to be enjoying the dry land, not taking any risks, at a time when citizens are expecting brave and wise leadership.
At a time when Turkey, just like the rest of the world, is under grave threat from a new, unknown virus, and the state has to indirectly admit that it could soon be unable to pay for the basic needs, it is becoming obvious how costly President Erdoğan's populist megalomania projects are.
The health minister announcing the new numbers every night is creating an illusion of transparency. However, Turkish people are mostly being left in the dark. Little is being shared about the scope of the spread. Meanwhile it seems that President Erdoğan and his son-in-law and the Minister of the Economy see the coronavirus as an opportunity.
Turks on both the left and right of the spectrum have been united by conspiracy theories about the novel coronavirus, COVID-19. After the virus appeared, discourse about the U.S. trying to prevent the development of mighty China spread all over social media. Nationalist, leftist figures writing and speaking about the virus preferred to accuse the West when it came to the outbreak.
It is a fact that the ruling government has an obsession about Taksim square. The square is not only closed to women rallies, but pretty much any rally and gathering. There are though exceptions. One exception had been a group of Syrians celebrating new years with Free Syrian Army flags.
The refugees are not being told the truth by the authorities, Turkish public is not being told the truth either. Everybody is being kept in darkness that leads the way to more resentment and hatred.
Football in Turkey, as in many European countries, is structured around masculinity. Game days are the days when men can act like savages, insult men and women freely, and attack anyone they like — and they don’t face any consequences.
Turkey is still divided by the Gezi protests. Some see the protests as a struggle for freedom that had never happened before in Turkey and remember it with pride, while others detest the memory of the protests. For Erdoğan’s 50 percent, when the state tells you not to do something, you ought not to do it.
In a meeting between Mr Erdoğan and his party’s MPs, some MPs voiced their concerns about Turkish soap operas that they found to be not suitable for Turkish values and culture. According to the reports, Mr. Erdoğan agreed with the MPs and told them he was disturbed as well. When the President voices a concern about a matter, a new decree or law usually follows.
The chaos that occurred after the June 2015 election worked for Erdoğan, but his approval ratings tend to fall when terror attacks or wars halt and people start worrying about the economy. According to Metropoll, the last time Erdoğan’s approval rating was higher than 50 percent was 2018; the economy seems to be taking its toll on Erdoğan.
Up until now, the local businessmen used to support AKP without reservation, and it used to be a win-win situation for both parties. However, this cooperation seems to be fading. When Suriçi Group Platform hosts CHP chair Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, it is a significant development for Turkish politics.
There is the talk of early elections, both on the street and in back rooms. There is an expectation that some change will occur. The Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) has a more critical part to play in Turkish politics. However, it seems that it won’t be easy for the HDP to keep their traditional voter base satisfied while becoming a more relevant actor in the upcoming political period.
While many of the pro-government figures in Turkey were preaching about what sort of a villain Soleimani was, the Turkish secular left was busy describing him as the “Che Guevara of the Middle East.” Though it depends on how one perceives Che Guevara, the comparison was supposed to be a compliment to Soleimani’s legacy.
Totalitarian systems usually come up with their own ideal man. Tayyip Erdoğan believes the future of his Turkey lies in İmam Hatip school education. He believes the only way to create his “ideal man” is to educate young Turkish people in line with the strict religious education of the imam hatip schools. As Erdoğan became stronger, so did the imam hatip schools.
President Erdoğan’s military advisor and the founder of the armed group SADAT, recently suggested that Islamic unity will be possible when Mahdi comes. Erdoğan’s military advisor announcing his mission to prepare for Mahdi’s arrival is definitely not a good sign for Turkey’s near future.
Horses tumbling down and breathing their last breaths, while still being harnessed to the carriage has also turned into an everyday scene at the Princes’ Islands of Istanbul. Weak, limping horses trying to pull crowded families up the hills, often looks like a horror scene from a dystopian movie.
Led by Erdoğan, the AKP has been reshaping the secular life of Turks for the last 17 years, bit by bit. The latest in the line of religiously-inspired incidents happened in Adana, a southern Turkish city with a unique character whose people are proud of their city, their type of kabab and their Adana ways.
Last Sunday, women gathered in one of the Istanbul’s busy centers, Kadıköy. Their aim was to protest violence against women and the inaction of the state. However, as usual in recent years in Turkey, the police jumped in and dispersed the crowd, detaining some of the women protesters.
Turkey is now being ruled by an exceptional version of a presidential system. Everything is ultimately decided by the President, with ministries and the legislative branch having a marginal influence. But he also wants citizens to be able to reach the Palace directly. And CIMER is the answer!
Imamoğlu ran his election campaign not on a narrative of fighting, but a narrative of peace. He promised to be inclusive, and he was careful not to target Erdoğan in his speeches. He aimed to grab AKP votes by not targeting Erdoğan. However, now it seems that he is shifting gears.
Gas prices have doubled overnight in Iran. Since Nov. 15, street protests and riots have been spreading. The protests started peacefully, but turned violent fairly quickly. The security forces were relentless: they had no intention of tolerating this public objection to the price increase.
One of the heaviest financial crises in Turkey’s history was in 2001. It first became public symbolically when a salesman threw a cash till at then-Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit. The man threw the giant cash box in front of the cameras as Ecevit was walking into his office. As the till hit the floor and shattered into pieces, the salesman yelled, “We are struggling!” The incident symbolically marked the beginning of the end of the Ecevit era.
The Sevres Syndrome has been a factor that impedes rationality for many Turkish citizens trying to make some sense of global dynamics. In recent years, Turkish-American relations have deteriorated at an unprecedented rate. For many Turks, this was simply another example of hatred against the Turks, this time coming from across the ocean. However, even in the more rational circles in Turkey, it is almost impossible to hear critical analysis concerning Turkey’s responsibility in the failing relationship.
After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Turks established the Turkish Republic. However, even the issue of what to celebrate proves that Turks have a long road ahead before they feel like a truly united nation that shares similar ideals and prospects for future.
According to Turkish civil law, the party who has the economic advantage in the marriage is to pay for children’s expenses and some expenses of the former spouse. In most cases the economic advantage is with the men, since on the one hand many men do not want their wives to work during the marriage and also social inequalities cause men to be the breadwinners of the families, not the women.