The escalating conflict in Idlib is naturally the most debated topic nowadays. The harsh reactions of President Erdoğan and his partner Nationalist Action Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli are making headlines. It’s hard to discuss other issues when the coffins of slain soldiers are being sent back from Syria and when the nationalist mood is in full swing.
Beyond the ruling AKP and MHP alliance, the opposition İYİ Party leader Meral Akşener is also calling for “action”, saying that “diplomacy should be sidelined”.
Meanwhile, the main opposition Republican People’s Party’s (CHP) suggestion that the situation in Idlib be discussed at the parliament has been rejected. But what criticism can CHP present now, since it supported the motion to extend military operations in Syria and Northern Iraq? Back in October, the only opposition party to object to the motion was the People’s Democratic Party (HDP).
HDP deputy and former journalist Ahmet Şık, who has been jailed twice and is still tried on the Cumhuriyet case, says people could not say no to war:
“The friends of ours who raised their voice for peace were jailed. There is no other party but the HDP rejecting war. Nobody deserves to die as a soldier or as a militant. Why don’t people question why so many young people are dying in Turkey? Or where the army is going?”
Şık is a one of the rare HDP politicians openly criticising his own party and the PKK. While he points to the state as the biggest aggressor, he does not accept PKK violence. In an interview with ARTI TV, Şık said that PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan would probably call for a withdrawal of its militants from Turkey:
“Öcalan is under heavy lockdown because the state wants the war to continue. If he were allowed to contact his lawyers and send a message, I believe he would make a call to the PKK.”
We cannot confirm Şık’s claim, or what such a call would bring about. In the meantime, the pressure on the HDP and its members persists. The escalation of clashes in Idlib will likely step it up further.
But does the HDP have any new strategy to built support? As the HDP congress nears, its main strategy is again “to strengthen the democratic alliance”. But how? Şık points out that the conditions under which HDP was founded are no longer valid:
“The HDP was a product of the peace process. The conditions are very different now, there is a huge gap between now and then. Yet I still believe that the HDP should return to its core. That is, to prove itself as a party even in this unjust order. Not to oppose within the order, but to oppose it, by being an alternative. If the HDP can go back to its roots, which was the People Democratic Congress (HDK), I believe it can gain a lot more ground.”
Şık is not the only HDP politician to suggest other ways within his party. The HDP Co-Mayor of Kars, Ayhan Bilgen, made similar remarks to artıgercek.com: “People that are not Kurds now demand more from the HDP. The party should format itself accordingly. This does not mean it should relinquish its founding principles. On the contrary, we need to update them.”
Such suggestions for oppositional forces are rare and precious. Especially when there are so many survival issues at stake. Many deaths and sufferings of young people, women and men alike, go unnoticed because they are not wrapped in flags.
Each month, hundreds of workers die in “work accidents.” Every day, a woman is killed by her spouse or relative. And sadly, suicides related to poverty have been on the rise. Recently, a father set himself ablaze in Hatay because he could not afford to buy a can of coke for his child.
If only the opposition forces could unite around matters of life and death. If only the opposition people would leave their comfort zone to support them. This seems harder than ever, but it is not impossible.
Some medical experts in Turkey argue that the hospitals which were previously emptied by the AKP government, can easily be ransformed into functioning hospitals with minimal spending to treat COVID-19 patients. One might wonder why they were closed in the first place.
Turkey has one of the world’s fastest growing coronavirus outbreaks, confirmed cases double every three days. The statistics, combined with the capacity of the health system and nature of the restrictions raise great concerns. Doctors are forced to apologize for their critical remarks, health workers are banned from making press releases on their conditions. Aside […]
The last time President Erdoğan, who is 66 years-old, physically took part in a meeting was a week ago. Nobody asks whether the President and his close circle have been tested for coronavirus. And of course, no one dares to ask what happens if he gets sick, and what the Turkish Presidential System would bring.
The Covid-19 will inevitably affect a much wider population, and Turkey’s limited testing is dramatic. Scientists, doctors unanimously urge for a radical testing procedure. In Istanbul, a city of 16 million, there are only four hospitals conducting tests. Meanwhile, states of emergency, strict restrictions and bans are anything but new in Turkey!
As he traveled back to Turkey from Azerbaijan, Erdoğan ominously announced a new wave of repression. A few days later, Osman Kavala was re-arrested, the mayor of Diyarbakır Selçuk Mızraklı was sentenced to more than 9 years in jail and 7 journalists were arrested.
Again we see them on the news, migrants flocking to the borders and the human traffickers going about their “business” in front of the cameras. As thousands of migrants seek to cross the border from Turkey to Greece and Bulgaria- some getting injured and dying whilst doing so - authorities talk of them as if they are cheap tokens. Not only in Turkey but in the EU countries as well.
The pro-governmental media in Turkey, which usually targets well-known individuals or critics, targets ordinary people as well. But what’s perhaps more worth talking about is how the life of the poor living in cities has changed — and how they are perceived. They, too, want to live a good life. Or just to be a part of it, even for a few seconds. And they, too, want to show off.
Just as Kavala was preparing for his release after 840 days spent in the Silivri Prison, the prosecutor’s office announced the philanthropist would be questioned on “attempting to overthrow the constitutional order." This proves how partial, arbitrary and politically involved the Turkish judiciary is. Yet the dynamics of this process remain unclear.
The watchmen will not operate under a specific law or the constitution but under the government’s direct orders. Opposition parties thus warn of a “parallel police force” that enjoys unprecedented powers. At night, the watchmen could well turn into the state’s moral police.
Although the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) ruled for his immediate release on Dec. 10, 2019, Osman Kavala remains as the only defendant under detention at the Gezi trial. So the question is whether the Council of Europe (CoE) and member states will stand up. If they will not do that, what is the function of the ECHR and why should other states bother to follow its rules?
Well-known economists have questioned how Kanal Istanbul will be financed, but they haven’t yet received any answers. Prof. Dr. Haluk Levent from Bilgi University believes that Kanal Istanbul is a Ponzi scheme, but with a difference: in a Ponzi Scheme, everything must be on the record, but this is not the case for Kanal Istanbul. The scheme is changing the town planning and zoning.
The media almost totally neglects or misinterprets cases related to July 15 in fear of being targeted themselves. On the other hand, high-ranking Gülenists, who have long fled the country, are in fact using the cases and prison sentences for their own PR.
Despite the government's pledge to combat femicide and domestic abuse, 474 women were murdered by men in 2019 in Turkey. Women’s rights advocates have repeatedly said the system is too weak to protect women.
Data from the last two years in Turkey points to a steady decrease in almost every aspect of a functioning, healthy democracy, such as freedom of speech, quality of education, gender and income equality, and the rule of law. It’s no surprise that society has become unhappier compared to 2017. Surely the AKP-MHP alliance is responsible for this great social, economic and political collapse.
Two days ago I went to the forth hearing of the Gezi trial in Silivri, where Kavala is the only imprisoned suspect among 16 civil society activists accused with ‘organizing and financing Gezi protests to overthrow the AKP government’ back in 2013. These trials are top examples of how rule of law is undermined and how human rights abuses are executed.
Kanal Istanbul is not only critical for Erdoğan financially. It also represents a political battlefield in which he wishes to beat his opponents, in this case the new opposition Istanbul Metropolitan Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu.
General elections appear to be on the agenda in 2023. That is what statements from President Erdoğan and his alliance partner, the MHP leader Bahçeli, suggest. Yet, the prospect of snap elections also looms. Many politicians, economists and journalists claim snap elections will be held in 2020. While snap elections may not seem logical, logics don’t apply to Turkish politics.
The severe violations of sick prisoners rights are against the law and contradict with international agreements Turkey partakes in. Human right advocates accuse the government of being unwilling to address these problems and point to the The European Council, which remains silent.
Just a few hours before police teargassed women in the streets of Istanbul, Emine Erdoğan, wife of President Tayyip Erdoğan, was giving a speech that denounced violence against women on the occasion of the International Day for Eliminating Violence against Women. However, Mrs. Erdoğan has also stated that the rise in violence against women is just a perception and that today, thanks to the AKP, women can ask for their rights.
As a journalist, I find it to be embarrassing and paradoxical that President Trump, not known to be a supporter of the free press, mocked the Turkish press.
Yet his words, “You sure you’re a reporter? You don’t work for Turkey with that question?” reflect the truth regarding the group of people Erdoğan took along with him to Washington. These words sum up the status of the Turkish mainstream media.
Turkey generally does not rank high in suicide rates. One reason is religion; in Islam suicide is a sin. Culture and family ties also are among strong reasons why people refrain from taking their lives according to experts. However figures show that there is a rise in suicide rates in Turkey. The society does not only suffer from economical crisis and neo-liberalism, but also a harsh transformation from a hybrid democracy to a more authoritarian state.
Last week, another bunch of journalists were sacked from daily Hürriyet newspaper, which is still considered as the “flagship” of the mainstream media. In fact, Hürriyet lost its prestige long while ago. It doesn’t really matter who the editor in chief is now. Or why and how journalists were sacked. It is the final nail in the coffin. The mainstream media resembles the living death.
By looking at mainstream media, military salutes of popular figures or twitter trending topics, one might assume that Turkish people were heavily supporting the military operation in Northern Syria -officially called “Operation Peace Spring” ending in 8 days- no matter what the rest of the world says. When there is any military action in Turkey or outside its borders, it becomes even harder for critical voices to be heard.
Associate Professor Şık was the deputy director of the Food Safety and Agricultural Research Center at Akdeniz University. Then, due to his scientific research, he became an enemy of the state.