Istanbul’s usually crowded streets are extraordinarely empty and car traffic is at its lowest. On March 16, the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality announced that public transporation had dropped by 44 percent. Whilst strolling in the parks, one will be struck by the fact that stray dogs and cats outnumber people. Thriving squares like Taksim, Eminonu or Kadikoy are deserted.
Beyond Istanbul, reports from other large cities such as Izmir, Ankara or Diyarbakır show that people mostly stay at home, except those who have to physically be at their workplace and shoppers stocking up on goods. Yet experts are concerned that the notion of self isolation is not fully understood and that harsher measures have to be taken.
Still, in a culture where the general attitude in times of danger is summarized with the motto “bize bir şey olmaz” or “nothing will happen to us” the majority took the warnings more seriously than Europe or the US. Why is that?
The first Covid-19 case in Turkey was confirmed a week ago, and by March 18 the number of cases had risen to 191 with two fatalities. In Europe, the outbreak happened a lot earlier. Italy’s still ongoing struggle with the virus was watched closely and caused much anxiety. It demonstrated the threat the outbreak posed here: if a much-more affluent European country, endowed with a more robust and effective health system like Italy is failing, we may well be heading to a disaster.
The Turkish government took timely measures to limit travel, suspend school, warn against mass prayers, ban social events and risk economic loss by closing down cafes, bars, indoor playgrounds. Yet shopping malls and restaurants that do not serve alcohol remain open.
The Ministry of Health is praised for regularly informing the public, especially on personal hygiene and individual precautions. In fact, it had been long since we had been informed without being scolded. At the moment, there is even a degree of kindness, which is a major change.
Still, the Turkish authorities’ handling of the coronavirus outbreak has sparked serious concerns and debates over the health system’ s quality and lack of transparency.
Reports have surfaced about efforts to quarantine travellers that turned into disasters, especially as religious pilgrims returned from Mecca to Turkey lastw week. What is more, the exact location and cities of coronavirus cases are not disclosed to the public. “Why create panic?” the pro-government media retorts.
The Covid-19 will inevitably affect a much wider population, and Turkey’s limited testing is dramatic. The latest figure on the number of people who tested fo the virus in Turkey – a country of over 80 million people – was said to be around 9,000. Even the number of tested people is vague.
Scientists, doctors unanimously urge for a radical testing procedure. In Istanbul, a city of 16 million, there are only four hospitals conducting tests. Gazete Duvar reported that people with coronavirus-like symptoms going to hospitals are quarantined though the hospitals have no testing material. The Ministry of Health’s hotline, 184, is overwhelmed with phone calls. Many hospitals are short on even on basic equipment like masks, gloves and sanitizers.
Weeks ago, The Turkish Medical Association (TTB) called for a reorganization of the health system and urged the authorities to make the test results public. Since there the government and civil society organizations are at odds with each other, these warnings have not been taken into account yet. Erdoğan’s presidential system centralized almost everything, from the media to the health sector. Anyone passing information without the government’s consent is subject to an investigation.
According to KONDA, only 45 percent of people in Turkey believe that the state is undertaking the necessary precautions and informing the public accurately. The distrust is huge, most people believe that the government is covering up actual numbers and generally, the truth. People rely on videos, posts said to be coming from a doctor or “someone close”. Disinformation on social media has exploded.
Society’s deep distrust of the state and the system has a reverse effect as well: we are a skeptical society, dubious of almost everything, which means we do not rely on the system or the government. This is perhaps why people avoided the streets when the first cases were confirmed. States of emergency, strict restrictions and bans are anything but new in Turkey.
Unfortunately, the lack of transparency combined with a crackdown on freedom of expression means people will have a very hard time as the outbreak expands. The need for accurate information, to ask the right questions and get answers is greater than ever. It is a matter of life and death.
Though he wants to come to power, the main opposition leader does not even know if there will be an election. He insists the days ahead are bright while the AKP-MHP government twists and undermines the few remaining freedoms and rights that prevail in this country: from gender equality to social media.
The convention was introduced here, in Istanbul, back in 2011, and ratified in the parliament a year later. What changed in the last eight years that the AKP came to the point of withdrawing from the Convention? The answer lies in the drastic change in the political agenda, the growing oppression, and the undermining of basic human rights.
Hagia Sophia appears to be a significant step in President Erdoğan's neoliberal Islamic quest. It sends a message to both Muslim and Christian communities. But Erdoğan’s quest is not purely religious; it has a fiercely neoliberal dimension.
The Turkish government needs to take independent scientific advice into account if it really wants to gain total control of the pandemic. Attempting to suppress critics, the media and scientific advice is not the solution.
Most judges and prosecutors are controlled or suppressed by the AKP-MHP government. Now, the last remaining independent civil rights groups, like the Bar Associations, are under attack.
It is no secret that Emine Erdoğan cherishes high end products, but to mention how much they cost or be critical of her taste is a no-no. This has been the case for more than a decade, even before the Erdoğan family moved into the Palace. Back then, top management in mainstream papers strongly advised […]
After the 2016 coup attempt and the subsequent media crackdown, the mainstream media in Turkey came under the total control of Erdoğan. Their editorial policy was made in accordance with the neo-nationalist, Islamist agenda.
Erdoğan’s primary goal is to keep the oppositional forces split and not face the massive loss of the June 2015 elections once again, which saw the AKP lose its parliamentary majority. The same applies to the local elections of 2019, where the AKP lost its grip on all the country’s major cities. Erdoğan will resort to any means available to remain president, for good.
Disproportionate use of force by the Turkish police does not start nor end with Gezi. There are other cases of killing and the use of torture by the security forces. Usually, the victims are Kurds or Alevis that are accused after their deaths of being terrorists. When it comes to police brutality and use of violence against opponents, who can picture the president of Turkey as a democratic, peaceful and just political figure?
Unlike the actual social distancing lines, the imaginary lines for freedoms and rights in Turkey are blurry and changing. The President and his allies distort and change the law to suit their whims. The Penal Code, the Constitution, and universal law are twisted accordingly.
This year, the May 19 celebrations in Turkey were held within homes due to the coronavirus lockdown. Nationalist and neo-nationalist accounts called for a united celebration at exactly 19:19 in the evening. Even Atatürk as a symbol seems to have been partially adopted by the AKP regime in order to create total control over the public.
Last week President Erdoğan accused the main opposition CHP of "fascism" and "plotting a coup". "We will not give in to terrorists, who are the leftovers of the sword,” he added. ‘Leftovers of the sword’ clearly belongs to the realm of hate speech. Everyone in Turkey knows exactly what it means.
Like the rest of the world, Turkey is discussing when and how to ease the coronavirus restrictions. While shopping malls are to be reopened in 10 days, the Parliament is to be shut down until June 2 and courts until June 15. This gives an idea of the government’s priorities.
In Turkey, tens of thousands dissidents are unjustly jailed. Two lawyers and one discharged mayor told me about their cases. They are very telling of how the government is manipulating the law to rule over the country.
Müslüm Aslan was in prison for stabbing his wife. When he was released due to the new parole law, he went to see his children, who were staying at their grandparent’s house with their mother. He took them home, tortured and beat his 9-year-old daughter to death in front of his two sons.
In Turkey, a recent law that was passed by the parliament and which allowed the release of tens of thousands of prisoners was presented as a measure of protection against the coronavirus pandemic. The laws favors people who had been convicted for the Soma mine disaster, the Çorlu train accident as well as convicted police officers who had killed teenagers during the Gezi protests and notorious mafia leaders like Alaattin Çakıcı.
Some medical experts in Turkey argue that the hospitals which were previously emptied by the AKP government, can easily be ransformed into functioning hospitals with minimal spending to treat COVID-19 patients. One might wonder why they were closed in the first place.
Turkey has one of the world’s fastest growing coronavirus outbreaks, confirmed cases double every three days. The statistics, combined with the capacity of the health system and nature of the restrictions raise great concerns. Doctors are forced to apologize for their critical remarks, health workers are banned from making press releases on their conditions. Aside […]
The last time President Erdoğan, who is 66 years-old, physically took part in a meeting was a week ago. Nobody asks whether the President and his close circle have been tested for coronavirus. And of course, no one dares to ask what happens if he gets sick, and what the Turkish Presidential System would bring.
As he traveled back to Turkey from Azerbaijan, Erdoğan ominously announced a new wave of repression. A few days later, Osman Kavala was re-arrested, the mayor of Diyarbakır Selçuk Mızraklı was sentenced to more than 9 years in jail and 7 journalists were arrested.
Again we see them on the news, migrants flocking to the borders and the human traffickers going about their “business” in front of the cameras. As thousands of migrants seek to cross the border from Turkey to Greece and Bulgaria- some getting injured and dying whilst doing so - authorities talk of them as if they are cheap tokens. Not only in Turkey but in the EU countries as well.
The pro-governmental media in Turkey, which usually targets well-known individuals or critics, targets ordinary people as well. But what’s perhaps more worth talking about is how the life of the poor living in cities has changed — and how they are perceived. They, too, want to live a good life. Or just to be a part of it, even for a few seconds. And they, too, want to show off.
Just as Kavala was preparing for his release after 840 days spent in the Silivri Prison, the prosecutor’s office announced the philanthropist would be questioned on “attempting to overthrow the constitutional order." This proves how partial, arbitrary and politically involved the Turkish judiciary is. Yet the dynamics of this process remain unclear.
It’s hard to voice opposition to war when the coffins of slain soldiers are being sent back from Syria and when the nationalist mood is in full swing. However HDP deputy and former journalist Ahmet Şık, who has been jailed twice and is still tried on the Cumhuriyet case, says that they have the responsibility to question why so many young people are dying for.
The watchmen will not operate under a specific law or the constitution but under the government’s direct orders. Opposition parties thus warn of a “parallel police force” that enjoys unprecedented powers. At night, the watchmen could well turn into the state’s moral police.
Although the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) ruled for his immediate release on Dec. 10, 2019, Osman Kavala remains as the only defendant under detention at the Gezi trial. So the question is whether the Council of Europe (CoE) and member states will stand up. If they will not do that, what is the function of the ECHR and why should other states bother to follow its rules?
Well-known economists have questioned how Kanal Istanbul will be financed, but they haven’t yet received any answers. Prof. Dr. Haluk Levent from Bilgi University believes that Kanal Istanbul is a Ponzi scheme, but with a difference: in a Ponzi Scheme, everything must be on the record, but this is not the case for Kanal Istanbul. The scheme is changing the town planning and zoning.
The media almost totally neglects or misinterprets cases related to July 15 in fear of being targeted themselves. On the other hand, high-ranking Gülenists, who have long fled the country, are in fact using the cases and prison sentences for their own PR.
Despite the government's pledge to combat femicide and domestic abuse, 474 women were murdered by men in 2019 in Turkey. Women’s rights advocates have repeatedly said the system is too weak to protect women.
Data from the last two years in Turkey points to a steady decrease in almost every aspect of a functioning, healthy democracy, such as freedom of speech, quality of education, gender and income equality, and the rule of law. It’s no surprise that society has become unhappier compared to 2017. Surely the AKP-MHP alliance is responsible for this great social, economic and political collapse.
Two days ago I went to the forth hearing of the Gezi trial in Silivri, where Kavala is the only imprisoned suspect among 16 civil society activists accused with ‘organizing and financing Gezi protests to overthrow the AKP government’ back in 2013. These trials are top examples of how rule of law is undermined and how human rights abuses are executed.
Kanal Istanbul is not only critical for Erdoğan financially. It also represents a political battlefield in which he wishes to beat his opponents, in this case the new opposition Istanbul Metropolitan Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu.
General elections appear to be on the agenda in 2023. That is what statements from President Erdoğan and his alliance partner, the MHP leader Bahçeli, suggest. Yet, the prospect of snap elections also looms. Many politicians, economists and journalists claim snap elections will be held in 2020. While snap elections may not seem logical, logics don’t apply to Turkish politics.
The severe violations of sick prisoners rights are against the law and contradict with international agreements Turkey partakes in. Human right advocates accuse the government of being unwilling to address these problems and point to the The European Council, which remains silent.
Just a few hours before police teargassed women in the streets of Istanbul, Emine Erdoğan, wife of President Tayyip Erdoğan, was giving a speech that denounced violence against women on the occasion of the International Day for Eliminating Violence against Women. However, Mrs. Erdoğan has also stated that the rise in violence against women is just a perception and that today, thanks to the AKP, women can ask for their rights.
As a journalist, I find it to be embarrassing and paradoxical that President Trump, not known to be a supporter of the free press, mocked the Turkish press.
Yet his words, “You sure you’re a reporter? You don’t work for Turkey with that question?” reflect the truth regarding the group of people Erdoğan took along with him to Washington. These words sum up the status of the Turkish mainstream media.
Turkey generally does not rank high in suicide rates. One reason is religion; in Islam suicide is a sin. Culture and family ties also are among strong reasons why people refrain from taking their lives according to experts. However figures show that there is a rise in suicide rates in Turkey. The society does not only suffer from economical crisis and neo-liberalism, but also a harsh transformation from a hybrid democracy to a more authoritarian state.
Last week, another bunch of journalists were sacked from daily Hürriyet newspaper, which is still considered as the “flagship” of the mainstream media. In fact, Hürriyet lost its prestige long while ago. It doesn’t really matter who the editor in chief is now. Or why and how journalists were sacked. It is the final nail in the coffin. The mainstream media resembles the living death.
By looking at mainstream media, military salutes of popular figures or twitter trending topics, one might assume that Turkish people were heavily supporting the military operation in Northern Syria -officially called “Operation Peace Spring” ending in 8 days- no matter what the rest of the world says. When there is any military action in Turkey or outside its borders, it becomes even harder for critical voices to be heard.
Associate Professor Şık was the deputy director of the Food Safety and Agricultural Research Center at Akdeniz University. Then, due to his scientific research, he became an enemy of the state.